Talmadge doesn't have Clinton's touch with the common man, however. Talmadge is reserved and intellectual in manner. If he ever had a chance to debate Locke, much of the talk would likely sail over the heads of most Washingtonians.
Is that a debate we're likely to see?
Robin Laananen
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Political observers and legislators are divided on whether Locke will seek a third term as governor. There is also a split over whether Locke is vulnerable to a primary challenge from another Democrat. State legislators and the more liberal observers tend to believe that the dissatisfaction with Locke is quite deep in the Democratic Party. Political consultants don't perceive a primary vulnerability for the incumbent.
Most observers agree that Talmadge is a long shot for the nomination, chiefly because he does not have good name recognition around the state. "If you went down the street and asked about Phil Talmadge," says former state Rep. Val Ogen, a Democrat from Vancouver, "most people would say, 'Who?'" Consultant Rolland Fatland says Talmadge "has about $2 million worth of name ID he's got to buy."
At the same time, there's a consensus that Talmadge strategically made a wise choice when he declared his candidacy more than two years before the election. Many call it the "Patty Murray strategy." In 1991, first-term state Sen. Murray, hardly a household name around the state, declared she was taking on U.S. Sen. Brock Adams in 1992. "There were at least 25 people ahead of Murray," recalls Don Hopps of the Institute for Washington's Future. Murray's ability to win a statewide campaign against Adams was given little chance. Then Adams suddenly withdrew when The Seattle Times revealed a nasty scandal about his personal behavior. Suddenly, Murray was the front-runner. "She took the risk, and now she's a senator," says Hopps.
Other, better-known Democrats, like King County Executive Ron Sims and Attorney General Christine Gregoire, have signaled they will not run against Locke. That means they are stuck on the sidelines while Talmadge lines up endorsements, raises money, builds an organization, and establishes an identity.
SO FAR, HOWEVER, Talmadge has not raised much money—about $25,000. He claims that he was holding off until the 2002 election was over—not wanting to take money from the Democrats' effort to retain the state Senate and House (they lost the Senate). "Now I feel justified in pushing ahead." Most consultants agree that money will be very difficult for Talmadge to come by. Until the sitting governor declares his intentions, they say, money from the big interest groups that give to the Democrats—labor unions, trial lawyers, teachers, and environmentalists—will not flow to any other candidates.
Endorsements are not exactly pouring in, either. Talmadge has a steering committee of nine and a short list of endorsers. The most interesting thing about his endorsements is the number of county Democratic Party chairs: King County's Greg Rodriguez, Kitsap County's John Morgan, and Pierce County's Jean Brooks, a former Talmadge staffer. That suggests Talmadge's candidacy has more geographical reach than people give him credit for.
Talmadge will try to make up for the inherent difficulty in running against an incumbent governor of one's own party with hustle. He is legendary for both the strength of his will and his willingness to back it up with shoe leather. Former King County Democratic Party chair Ron Forest observes, "Talmadge is everywhere across the state. He has his oar in the water, and he's paddling like hell."
ghowland@seattleweekly.com 
The Tenets of Talmadge
Phil Talmadge's platform stresses safe, nonideological issues like leadership and efficiency in government. Here are some specific ideas the candidate talks about:
Health care. Talmadge is very passionate about the state's health care crisis but believes the political environment dictates an incremental solution. He wants to see the state use its purchasing power to drive down the costs of pharmaceuticals and insurance premiums. He admires Oregon's approach to the Medicaid crisis—emphasizing preventive health measures (immunizations, for example) for many instead of radical intervention (heart transplants) for a few.
Tax reform. Talmadge won't go near a state income tax. He does, however, want to eliminate the state's Business and Occupation Tax because it taxes gross receipts, thereby unfairly penalizing start-ups and new businesses. He's fuzzy on what would replace it.
Clean water. Talmadge sees water quality as an issue that can unite Eastern and Western Washington. Dry-siders depend on clean water for agriculture. Puget Sounders value a healthy marine environment. Talmadge wants to put water conservation and marine pollution back at the top of the governor's agenda.
Transportation. Talmadge is critical of Sound Transit's light-rail plan, claiming it will spend too much money to attract too few new transit riders. He favors trip-reduction programs and vanpools. While Talmadge shares a law office with Cleve Stockmeyer, a major monorail booster, and endorsed the Seattle monorail measure, he doesn't talk about extending that system.
Reorganizing state government. Talmadge says state government is overdue for a major reorganization. He cites the number of agencies that deal with public lands as an example: the Department of Natural Resources (5 million acres of forests, farms, and underwater lands), the state Parks and Recreation Commission, and the Interagency Commission for Outdoor Recreation. "Why do we have three distinct agencies? It defies logic." Talmadge sees reorganization as a way to trim an overgrown state bureaucracy.
George Howland Jr.
