Marty the Politician

At age 70, Martin Selig still suits up for work every day, arriving at his Second Avenue real-estate headquarters armed with plans to build another skyscraper or tear down another historic building. Maybe the enigmatic developer is there to introduce his new wife, whom he married last month, or to eyeball yet another lawsuit—such as the one he just settled with Joe Diamond after hauling off the parking lot mogul's signs and equipment while embroiled in a contract dispute.

Better yet, he might just sit down and write another check to a political campaign. That has become something of a ritual for Selig, the kid who loved to play with building blocks in grade school and grew up to erect Seattle's tallest building, the 76-story Columbia Center, which the late architect Victor Steinbrueck called a "symbol of greed and egoism." Thanks to his inveterate check writing, Selig now has a towering new distinction: the top individual political money giver in modern local history.

At the bottom of most people's political speed dials as recently as three years ago, Selig last month wrote his 18th check since March to the Initiative 920 campaign to repeal Washington's estate tax. In one four-week stretch in June, on average, he sent a check to I-920 every other business day (except for the day he pumped out two checks), totaling $525,000. As of Sept. 11, his contributions to the I-920 campaign totaled a staggering $807,500— almost three-quarters of the campaign's $1.1 million funding to date.

"Say that again?" says Seattle City Council President Nick Licata. "Eight hundred what? This from a guy who couldn't pay his light bill?"

Licata is referring to a $600,000 overdue City Light bill Selig was ordered to pay two years ago for some of his downtown properties. The city has more than once asked him to pay utility bills for his buildings, and creditors have complained he stalls even after agreeing to pay. But that's just business, some say: Selig tends to wait until the last minute to settle up, delaying new borrowing or hesitating to dip into his funds until he gains favorable rates or interest.

Selig plays hardball with friend and foe alike. In the aforementioned battle with Joe Diamond, Selig made his disputatious point by sending a small team of dismantlers to haul away Diamond's parking equipment from some of Selig's lots, which Selig wanted to run himself. Selig had sent Diamond notice of discontinuing his services, but Diamond disputed the move and wanted to talk. After the sortie on signs and pay boxes, Diamond and Selig went to court, where both sides accused the other of lying about whether timely warning was given before reaching an out-of-court settlement. It was similar to a pre-emptive strike Selig launched on Diamond in 1985, also snatching boxes and signs, forcing a court battle.

Selig's contributions to the anti-tax initiative campaign—run by a former Seattle cop who sees the estate tax as an element of The Communist Manifesto—are more than double the $355,000 the developer famously gave in an attempt to derail the Seattle Monorail Project in 2004. He also contributed $3,000 to a smaller campaign in 2005 that helped put the $1 billion-a-mile project out of its misery once and for all. Besides issue campaigns, Selig has contributed heavily to local, state, and federal political candidates in recent years. A board member of the national Republican Jewish Coalition, he gives most heavily to the GOP, including state parties in Ohio, Florida, and Michigan, among others. To George W. Bush, he gave $5,000; to John Kerry, $500. U.S. Senate Republican candidate Mike McGavick got $4,200 from him in 2005 shortly after McGavick said he was exploring a run, while McGavick's opponent, Democratic incumbent Maria Cantwell, received $3,000 in 2004. Selig has also given to Mayor Greg Nickels and most City Council members, and his daughter Lauren Selig (now her dad's corporate development director) once worked for former council member Judy Nicastro.

Such political largesse puts Selig ahead of Rob Glaser, the RealNetworks chair, who, according to a 2004 Seattle Times study, was previously the region's single largest political donor. Updated figures now show that Glaser has handed out $1.1 million over the past four years— mostly to groups working to unseat President Bush—while Selig has doled out $1.2 million in three years, more than Bill Gates and Paul Allen combined.

Selig won't say why he's supporting I-920. But it's not too hard to figure out: The state takes a bite out of any estate worth more than $2 million in taxable value—those of people like Selig, a near billionaire. It's a rarefied tax class: Only several hundred estates are affected yearly, and are assessed from 14 percent to 19 percent of the estate's taxable value. For example, a $3 million estate could be taxed $390,000; a $7 million estate, $1.07 million. It's unclear exactly what the levy might someday be on Selig's estate—$5 million, $10 million, or more—but if his $800,000 campaign contribution pays off and the tax is wiped out, his savings would doubtless mark a healthy return on investment.

Revenue from the tax, just under $100 million annually, is dedicated to the state education system, in particular the reduction of class sizes. Selig apparently feels this money should go to his three grown kids and the rest of his family. (Selig, an art collector and painter, recently married artist Catherine Mayer, whom he met at a party a few years back at his waterfront home. He and longtime first wife Andrea were divorced in 1995 after a three-year court battle over their vast properties. It was intense: At one point, Selig was under a restraining order not to live within a mile of the couple's lavish Lake Washington home, now assessed at $13 million, where Andrea lived after receiving it in the settlement.)