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The Republicans Blow It

The Democrats won the final recount for governor by playing the game better. Now the GOP's best and maybe only hope is litigation.

GOP Chair Chris Vance on Monday: Suddenly, every vote counts.
Jay Vidheecharoen
GOP Chair Chris Vance on Monday: Suddenly, every vote counts.

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The nasty fight for the Washington governor's mansion is not likely to end anytime soon. Election tabulations are not noble searches for truth. They are poorly refereed contests fought by partisan warriors in power suits, and until both the Democrats and the Republicans declare an end to combat, the fighting will continue. At the moment, Democrats are on top, but Republicans refuse to surrender, and who can blame them? Their candidate won the first two tabulations, by 261 votes out of more than 2.8 million in the regular count in the Nov. 2 election and by 42 votes in a machine recount.

But on Thursday, Dec. 23, Democrat Christine Gregoire won the third and supposedly final tally, a recount by hand, beating Republican Dino Rossi by 129 votes. This turnaround wasn't happenstance. The Democrats played a brilliant endgame, aggressively hunting for votes that had been incorrectly disqualified, while the GOP focused on trying to ferret out fraud that wasn't evident. Now the GOP's best hope is that the courts will nullify the election because the tabulation was so chaotic.

On Monday, Dec. 27, state Republican Party Chair Chris Vance called a news conference to repeat Republican demands that election officials across the state reconsider ballots that the GOP claims were mistakenly disqualified. (Their sudden ardor to "count every vote" is as hilarious as it is predictable. To complete the role reversal, Democrats now have adopted the Republicans' earlier line that the election is over and the loser should concede.) The GOP effort to have ballots reconsidered seems likely to fail, however, because Republican Secretary of State Sam Reed, the state's top elections official, says it would be illegal for counties that have certified the hand recount results to reconsider rejected ballots. But this election has been so weird that anything could happen. Reed was planning to certify Gregoire as the winner on Thursday, Dec. 30. At that point, the Republicans' only recourse would be in court. They have until Jan. 22 to file a lawsuit contesting the election.

At the press conference, Vance and others presented evidence that they said showed that the election was conducted in an illegal and sloppy fashion. They didn't claim fraud outright; they argued that incompetence and inconsistency led to chaos. Vance says Republicans have not decided whether to seek in court to overturn the election results. "You don't challenge an election lightly," he says. While he got that right, he wouldn't admit that the Democrats had outfoxed the GOP.

For decades, Democratic electioneering philosophy has been turnout—making sure their voters participate in the election. Republicans have traditionally preferred to see a low overall turnout because conventional wisdom says their core supporters are among the most reliable voters, while Democrats are favored among people less likely to vote regularly. The GOP, meanwhile, has a history of worrying about cheating.

Everyone had voted already in this governor's race, but the Democrats' strategy during the two recounts was still about turnout, though an odd form of it: tracking down voters who had had their ballots incorrectly disqualified. True to their inclinations, Republicans looked for irregularities, a strategy that earned them few new votes.

After the first count, Republican Rossi led by 261, a margin so small that it triggered an automatic recount. State Democratic Party Chair Paul Berendt knew exactly what to do. A gangly, low-key political veteran, Berendt understood that our election process is far from perfect. In any election, there are a certain number of ballots that are disqualified incorrectly. In particular, Berendt made sure Democrats searched aggressively in King County for ballots that had been mistakenly tossed out, for three reasons: It is Washington's biggest county, representing roughly a third of the statewide vote; it is a liberal Democratic stronghold; and it has been plagued with election problems that a series of directors, including the latest, Dean Logan, have been unable to solve. There were bound to be ballots there that could be turned into more votes for Gregoire.

The first big bunch of disqualified votes that Democrats went after were those cast with provisional ballots, by voters who showed up at the wrong polling place. Washington law allows such ballots to be sent to the proper county and, if verified, counted. At first, King County refused to release the names of voters who had cast provisional ballots that had been rejected for apparent signature problems. The Democrats went to court, and on Nov. 12, King County Superior Court Judge Dean Lum ordered the county's Elections Division to make the names of "provisional" voters available to both parties. Democrats immediately identified provisional voters who likely voted for Gregoire, went door-to-door collecting affidavits from them, and turned the affidavits in to King County, resulting in hundreds of legal ballots being counted. Republicans, meanwhile, got on the phone and called likely GOP provisional voters, asking them to go to the county election office and verify their identity. Guess who got more votes in that round of the fight. Republican Vance says there's a perfectly good reason the GOP didn't go door-to-door at first, although eventually they caught on. "We didn't think that was legal," he says. Democrats clearly understood better how to get more votes.

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